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DAAWO : Gudoomiyaha Bangiga Somaliland oo Kasoo Laabtay Magaalada Nairobi ayaa Sheegay in Masuuliyiinta Bangiga Aduunka ay kala Hadleen Arrimo ku Saabsan Xawaaladaha Soomaalida.

Gudoomiyaha Bangiga Somaliland oo Kasoo Laabtay Magaalada Nairobi ayaa Sheegay in Masuuliyiinta Bangiga Aduunka ay kala Hadleen Arrimo ku Saabsan Xawaaladaha Soomaalida.


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Isbedelka xadaraada iyo Xuquuqda Dumarka..

W/Q Naciima Cabdi Galiixe Qaybtii 7aad       Taxanaheenii aan kaga warami jiray is bar-bardhiga Dumarka Islaamka ah iyo kuwa reer galbeedka ah manta waxaynu ku so qaadan doona Gabadh Waayo Arag Ah Iyo Waano Muhiim Ah oo ay Haweenka Islamka ah uso jedisay. Wargeyska AL-Mujtama cadadkiisii 1890, soona baxay 20/2/2010, ayaa qoray dhambaal ay gabadh suxufiyada oo caan ah lana yidhaa Jawana una dhalatay Dalka Maraykani ay ku amaanayso Dumarka muslimiinta ah noloshooda. Qoraalka waxa kale oo lagu daabacay mareego badan oo ay ka mid tahay Website-ka “Women and islam/thread”. Waa weedho ka soo burqanaya, gabadh waayo arag ah oo ku soo gubatay dhimbiilaha xadaarada iyo ilbaxnimada reer galbeedka oo ay si gaar ah ugu hoos dulman yihiin dumarku. Iyagoo wakhtigan haweenka galabeedku si weyn u dareemaya in wixii loo sheegay ahaayeen dhalanteed sidaas awgeed waxaa beryahan aad u so faro badanaya dumarka u soo arooraya webiga islaamka si ay uga raystaan oonka iyo haraadka caqiida xumadaa, Waxa kale oo dhib ku haya adddoonsiga afkaarta caalwaaga ah ee muddaba ay u dabranaayeen ee hagayaan kuwa xaasaskooda, Hooyooyinkood iyo walaalhood dhibta ku haya, haddana indhaha ka lalinaya guryahooda. Suxufiyaddani waxay hadalkeeda ku bilowday: ”Walaalahayga muslimaadka ahaw waxaan arkayaa tiiyoo mid kasta oo idinka mid ahi ay xanbaarsan tahay ilmo amase ay hareeraheeda joogaan carruuri. Inkastoo hablaha muslinka ah uu ku soo jiidanayo dharka xushmada leh ee ay xidhan yihiin haddana waxaa taas ka sii daran quruxdooda ka soo widh-widhaysa labiskooda waxa dhaafsan ee gudaha ah, anigu ma dareemayo keliya quruxda hablahaas dushooda ka soo baxaysa balse waxaan kale oo aan hoosta ka dareemayaa wax qariiba, waxa weeyaan waxa aan dareemayaa xasad marka aan eego xaaladdiina aad ku jirtaan. Haddana wax kale oo ii bannaani ma jiraan oo aan ahayn in aan la dhaco oo aan idiin hanneeyo awooddiinna, quruxdiina, xushmaddiina, Iyo karamadiina, Waxa intaasi kaba sii daran badhaadhaha aad ku nooshihiin. Arrinkiino u muuqdo wax la yaab badan, badhaadhihii ayaa dushiina ka soo baxay oo wejiyadiinana ka muuqda maxaa yeelay waxaad ku nooshihiin noloshii dabiiciga ahayd ee loogu talo galay in qofka dumari ay ku noolaato taas oo ahayd sidii ay dumarkii inaga horreeyayba u noolaayeen ilaa iyo laga soo bilaabo xilligii ay noloshuba bilaabantay. Annaguba sidaas ayaan ku noolayn ilaa laga soo gaadhayay lixdameedyadii, markaas oo cadawgu nagu qar-qiyay rasaastiisa, ma ahayn rasaasta dhabta ah balse waxay nala dhaceen rasaasta khiyaamada iyo fasahaadka ahklaaqda ah. Holywood ayaa roobka nagaga dhigtay rasaas iyada oo noo adeegsanaysa khiyaamooyinka indho sarcaadka ku dhisan haddaanu nahay hablaha Maraykanka, sidaas oo kale ayay idinkana idinla rabaan haddaad tihiin hablaha muslimka ah. Markaas ayaanad noqon doontaan qaar aad uga murugoda halkaad ku dhacdeen oo aad dareemi doontaan xaqiraad iyo hoosayn, laakiinse waad ka bad-baadi doontaan jabkaa laydiin maleegayo waase goorma? Waa haddii aad dhegaysataan taladayadan idiinka imanaysa annaga oo ah kuwo la dhibaataysan hortiina dhaawacyada naga soo gaadhay taabashadooda iyo raadayntooda shaydaaniga ah ee naxariistu ka fogtahay, waxaan idiin sheegayaa wax kasta oo idinkaga imanaya dhinaca Holywoodku waa beeno, waa xaqiiqadii oo lagu majara habaabinayo qiiq. Haddaanu nahay haweenka waxa ugu wanaagsan ee aan qabanaa waa rabbaynta carruurteenna, inaan raaxo iyo karti u samayno rageenna aan jecelnahay, laakiinse haddii aanu nahay dumarka Maraykanka annaga waa nala khiyaameeyay ka dib markii nalaga dhaadhiciyay in aan noqon doonno qaar intan ka badhaadho iyo nicmo badan haddii aanu shaqaale noqono markaasna aanu hantino guryo noo gaara oo aan keligayo ku noolaano, oo aan abuurno jacaylka cidda aanu doono. Waxaan idiinka digayaa in aad nagu eegtaan il hoose iyo xaqiraad oo aad na yastaan amaba aad ku fekertaan in aanu nahay qaar sidan iyagu raali ka ah oo jecel. maaha arrinku sidaa waxaa jirtay in markii aanu soo koraynay aanaan helin aabayaal na gacan qabta oo na haga, maxaa yeelay halkan waxa la bur-buriyay wixii loo yaqaanay qoyska,waxaanan filayaa in aad idinkuba garanaysaan cidda shirqoolkaa ka damabaysay Haddaba haysta oo xejista wanaagiina sharaftiinaas, iyo akhlaaqiyaadkiina waxaan idiin rajaynayaa in aad u aqbali doontaan nasteexadan sidaan ula jeeday, wax kale nasteexadan idiinkumaan soo dirin balse waa waano ku timi saaxiibtinimo, ixtiraam iyo u bogid aan u bogay noloshiina wanaagsan, Waa walaashiina Masiixiga ah ee idin jecel, nasiib wanaag iyada oo jawana muslintay wakhti yar ka dib Jawaana Faransiis Waxa lagu hal-maalaa, Hooyo ababintaadee Hayin lagu badhaadhaay, Hogol lagu qaboobaay Gogol lama huraaneey, Dugsigii hufnaantaay Hidda lagu arooraay. (Hadraawi) La soco qaybaha kale….. Naciima Cabdi Galiixe Kuliyada Barashada Siyaasada Iyo Xidhiidhka Caalamiga Ah Ee Jamacada New Generation University Email: naciimagaliixe@gmail.com ALLAA MAHAD LEH

Somali radio closure: Shabelle manager 'in hiding'

The manager of the independent Shabelle radio station in the Somali capital has told the BBC he is in hiding after the authorities took it off air. Mohamed Musa said soldiers stormed the radio's office on Friday, arresting about 20 people, three of whom are still in custody without being charged. When the station started broadcasting again on Tuesday, the office was raided again and all equipment removed. Mr Musa denied accusations that the station was spreading hate messages. The UN-backed government issued a statement saying that the station had been unprofessional by spreading disharmony amongst Mogadishu's clans. 'Very scary' There has been tension in the capital following the government's recent disarmament programme, which has seen the militias of clan leaders disarmed. Mr Musa said Shabelle had not broadcast either for or against the disarmament. "We are not on the side of government, we are not on the side of opposition, we only tell the people the truth," he told the BBC's Focus on Africa radio programme. The BBC's Mohammed Moalimu in Mogadishu says media organisations have condemned the arrests and been shocked at the heavy handed approach of the government. There have been calls for the detainees to be charged in accordance with the constitution, which only allows for 24 hours detention without charge. Mr Musa admitted Shabelle had a fractious relationship with the government, which evicted it from a state-owned building last year. He said he believed there was a warrant out for his arrest and he was concerned for the safety of his colleagues who remained in detention, fearing they were being maltreated. "I'm in hiding in Mogadishu.... I keep moving, it's really very scary." Clan-based warlords, rival politicians and Islamist militants have battled for control of Somalia since the fall of long-serving ruler Siad Barre in 1991. Under a UN-backed plan, a new government was formed in 2012 which is trying to win back territory occupied by the al-Qaeda-affiliated al-Shabab insurgents, and bring back a measure of stability to the country with the help of an African Union force.

Maqaal : Ugly Clan Federalism Sparks Fresh Turmoil

by Abdul-Aziz Mohammed Saturday, August 16, 2014 From the onset, no 2 Somali clans or sub clans had gone to war so far over the ongoing federalism system in Somalia. In fact, more and more Somalia regions are joining the Federalism scheme. People in their regions, as Al-Shabaab’s totalitarianism is removed, appear to be eager to come and decide together their own regional fate without severing a national link under federalism! Mohamud M Uluso’s latest article, ‘Ugly Clan Federalism Sparks Fresh Turmoil,” is way off the mark on both the current situation on the ground in Somalia and historical governance character of the Somali people. Uluso: The formation of federal Member States (FMS) without legal and political consensus sparks fresh political and social turmoil in all regions of Somalia. It is unequivocally clear that the federal system based on clan ownership of territory has become major obstacle to national reconciliation, peacebuilding, and state building in Somalia. It polluted the notion of state, citizenship, and Islamic values and intensified clan rivalry and vanity within the Somali society everywhere. To suggest the ongoing Somalia Federalism, all be it clan based, “polluted” a supposedly existent notion of state in Somali society is laughable. The undeniable truth is that a concept of “state or nation” is yet to be in Maryooleey minds. Citizenship? What citizenship, other than clan citizenship? Also, while we Somalis are generally firm in our belief in Islam, Islam also for the vast majority had been secondary to the undisputed force or current which permeates in Somali society, which is the clan system. The three highlighted sentences above by Uluso, with which he had begun his article , exposes his elitism and how a lot of learned Somalis like him have become susceptible to Western mentality, which renders them grossly out of touch with their own society. Mr. Uluso, we are Somalis and we are to date based on clans single handedly. Hardly nothing else separates one Somali from another. What else should we base our federalism on? Remember, the goal is to replace the clan identity and territory with regional and national citizenry! If at first I thought Uluso was after the [process] by which the formation of Federal Member States (FMS) the federal government in Mogadishu has not gone about, which should have been through legislation and by political consensus, the second sentence though smashed the [principle] of Somalia federalism based on clans. Pejoratively, he even calls it “Clan Federalism.” It reminds me of “Obama Care, “a term coined by the detractors of the Affordable Care Act legislation. By the way, for your information, Somali clans own land in regions indirectly. While there is no clan corporation, which trades in real state, its individual members—owners of land and property in specific areas—collectively dominate areas. Thus the claim and recognition of clan ownership of prairies, regions and towns. Federalism, if anything, is the only hope for the Somalis to once and for all exorcise their clan system demon, which has been and still is—since we declared the state of Somalia— a “nationhood killer.” It already almost destroyed Somalia. That said, it should be understood that the clan system in its intended environment and circumstance served the Somalis well—that is when they were nomadic people moving about in search of green pastures and water for their livestock. Our ancestral clan system deserves our utmost respect. We should put it in the right prospective as regrettably (although the best system for us at one point in our lives) a poison to our very existence since 1961! This is the 21st century, where globalization is happening, for Somali sakes! As an old relic, we should put it in a nice museum with kid gloves! But, the question is how do we Somalis replace the clan system? There is one thing I am certain of, that without the full participation of clans in their habitats or regions in both regional and national decision making, Somalis will always cling to the clan identity and system. To change a system, there must be a different system with different rules to overtake and render the old system obsolete. For that to happen, clan members, including its Sultan, Garraad, Ugaas or Malaaq must participate. Bringing different clan elders to agree on a regional administration, even on a name for a region is part of this new exercise which will steer these people into the clear from the deep rooted forest of clan system. Before this current federalism, Somali elders of different clans and subclans only came together on usual clan consequences of war and other grievances. The rest of the time, life went on, and Somali clans were like ships passing each other in dead night. Today, they are volunteering to come together on standing up an administration in their respective regions—that is an undeniable progress away from the old clan system. We should see that for what it is. Uluso, remember that Somalia as a country cannot even handle the security of its capital at this point. We depend on the generosity of our African brothers and baby sister Djibouti. The fact that different Somali clans are coming together on their own and agreeing on the type and outfit of respective administrations actually restores my faith in my peoples’ human spirit! They are taking the initiative. Things or rules can be adjusted later. President Hassan Sheikh is correct on that. I hope some of these newly formed regions will even further surprise the world in going to the polls before 2016 elections! Why not? Also, you must not be serious when you, Uluso, insinuated in your article that the rivalry between Somaliland and Puntland as one based on clan-based federalism. Rather, It is a unionist/separatist land jurisdiction based on colonial era borders and on a potentially oil rich area. You can throw that out of the window as yet another one of the supporting evidence by Uluso for clans at war because of clan federalism. Uluso continues: Nepotism, injustice, economic and financial mismanagement, rampant corruption, and abuse of political power, have caused the total collapse of the Somali State. Yes, we Somalis did that with the clan system, which rejected an exclusionary one party, central system based in Mogadishu. Federalism, on the other hand, puts the onus on clans both for self-administration locally and full and fair participation in national governance. What better way to supplant the clan system, which is a respective individual, private subclan polity, than to force multiple clans or subclans of clans into a new system whereby they must work together in fairly sharing both responsibilities and rewards. That exercise changes the old traditional dynamics of polity from individual clans into group clans with one agreed name, be it Puntland, Somaliland, Jubaland or Southwest Sate, whatever! Even language and terms will slowly and surely change from clan perception to one of regional and then to national. Uluso: “No Somali citizen wants and deserves to be considered a minority in any part of Somalia.” That sounds very noble, but far from the truth and reality of human existence, including us Somalis. After all, we even have a Somali term for it “laan gaab!” (small-branched) or a stub, compare that to the term for majority in Somali “laan dheere,” (long-branched). Being a minority is not an insult, if you are a minority. The insult and injustice are when the majority discriminates against a minority because of that. That is the “strong preying on the weak.” Strong and multi-layered local, state and federal anti-discrimination laws will be needed. For the clans to transition into the citizenry which Uluso inspires to, this must be done in honest baby steps pointing away from the individual clan institution into a regional identity. There will be a misreading of federalism by some into a carte blanche for their majority clan to dominate and subjugate others. In time, the federal government should be able and willing to intervene and remedy that promptly! By the same token, there could be some competitions between regions on whose region is fairer and more inclusive a community! In conclusion, the problem of Somalis continues to be one of being frozen in the clan institution by default. There is no special love for the clan system by Somalis, I would strongly argue. The clan institution remains only because until now Somalis had not come up with a viable system to practically overthrow and replace the clan system. Personally, in time, I believe federalism will bulldoze the clan system! History tells that Somalis are capable and willing to change. When, for the first time, Allah’s word was brought to the Somalis, they trashed Waaq (as in Caabud Waaq) and his or its religion in favor of Allah and his Islam. We Somalis, I believe, are natural in embracing change—so long as the real McCoy (as the white man says) which will add to our prosperity and betterment is given to us. It would seem that our great ancestors were very capable to define the societal rules and regulations in the most resourceful system for their times. First, they organized themselves by clans and its subclans; and then they invented and designed the clan rules or laws Xeer. Our immediate forefathers and mothers, however, had not a clue on how to adapt to their new reality of 1960 nationhood. The first 9 years from independence, we parroted Western Democracy, but it was the clan we believed in. The military regime, from 69-91, had done a lot to highlight Somali culture and language, but it was a personality based system—which invoked in other personalities, using the tried and tested clan system and neighbors, to overthrow it in the end. The clan system won again! Then, the disaster of all disasters we Somalis created for ourselves—anarchy in civil war for the last 23 years, from which we are still recovering. The clan system, misapplied to modern statehood, trashes the state every time! I challenge Mr. Uluso, now that he identified the problem as he presented in his article, to spell out to all of us in his next article whether he believes in federalism or not; what form of federalism and what it should be based on, if not on clans? If not federalism at all, then what other system? Also, please elaborate what you meant by “without legal and political consensus”? Give us the load, frame by frame, on how you would have gone about making everything perfect before federalism was opened for business. Abdul-Aziz Mohammed amohammed4@att.net

MAQAAL : The Enemy Within: Al-Shabab in Villa Somalia

  by Heikal I. Kenneded Friday, August 8, 2014   When President Hassan Sheikh was elected almost three years ago, he was too quick to declare to the world at large that Al-Shabab terrorists were “on the path to defeat” and its surviving members were more concerned for their own safety rather than plotting against his government. That is why it is appalling sight to watch lately how Al-Shabab terrorists repeatedly launch surprise attacks at the Presidential palace of Villa Somalia in Mogadishu, where the President, most of the cabinet ministers including the Prime Minister and the Speaker of the Parliament live and have their offices. Not to mention the recently tragic target killings of prominent members of the Parliament, with impunity. These sorts of assaults are tantamount to a “decapitation” of the federal government as we know it, which shows the serious security lapse in the country. It is also a testament how the government of Hassan Sheikh has completely lost its vote of confidence and support of the vast majority of the Somali population for the steady deterioration of their lives and the economy, as well as the apathy of the government in dealing with growing security threat. However, the government’s recurring reaction to the worsening insecurity in the capita has been so far to move around security officials like musical chairs, as though that’s going to fix the problem. The pragmatists argue the main reason that the federal government has terribly failed to eliminate the existential threat that Al-Shabab currently poses to the country is that it lacks both national strategy to unite the country and a tactical maneuver in which the government and the AMISOM forces together fight against Al-Shabab. To build a national strategy, the Somali government needs to target the heart of the problem, which is none other than the severe unemployment rate in the country and lack of opportunity for the country’s largest demographic of young generation, which fosters a sense of fatalism and pessimism, eventually exploited by Al Shabab recruiters. For instance, last month’s deadly attack in the heart of the presidential palace was allegedly carried out by half a dozen of Al Shabab militants wearing the Somali military uniforms led by a young man named Mohamed Muhiyadin whose father worked in Villa Somalia. He was allegedly recruited by his brother in-law who hired him for a mere $200 in order to transport the Al Shabab terrorists with their explosives into Villa Somalia. Ironically, this treacherous incident occurred less than few weeks after President Hassan Sheikh gloated that Mogadishu’s residents were able to break their fasting in peace thanks to the “laudable” efforts and sacrifices of the security apparatus that were put in place. Further, the government needs to put in place a national strategy of rebuilding a united Somali national army, a united army that is free from clan loyalty is critical to Somalia's long-term security. The government must then develop a national security policy that fosters effective institutions, including an impartial judicial structures and a legislative framework that lay the groundwork for a stable democratic government. Al-Shabab has proven time and time again that they are a resilient bunch of callous terrorists who can strike anytime and anywhere they wish to do so, despite the amassing of foreign troops in Somalia. This worrisome resurgence of Al-Shabab in the capital poses an existential threat to the government because Al Shabaab has mastered the art of guerrilla warfare following years of fighting invading forces: it chooses only battles that it has a chance of winning, and currently has the initiative in the south. These back-to-back attacks at the main seats of the government are raising serious concerns about the viability of the federal government’s ability to any longer hold the country together. In fact, Al-Shabab terrorists have recent years proven that they could project their terror assaults beyond Somalia’s borders by carrying out multiple deadly attacks inside the Kenyan heartland. Given the fragility of the federal Somali government led by President Hassan Sheik, the country is tragically split into fledging federal states that cater to their clan clientele, not to mention lack of a disciplined and well-paid army, it is impossible to thwart a hardcore terrorist group like Al-Shabab. Notwithstanding building a robust national strategy, a tactical strategy is also paramount in which a tremendous pressure should be brought to bear on the capital city’s security apparatus in order to quell these types of attacks that have the potential to thwart whatever sliver of hope left over for all Somalis to linger on. The government forces in conjunction with AMISOM troops should use a blunt force approach to first clear out the local population that either supports or harbors Al Shabab terrorists, then use air strikes, artillery, and ground forces to root out these jihadist elements that remain. Strategic towns like Barawe and most of the Lower-Juba region offer safe haven against such strikes and they should be targeted for such an offensive. No more wishful thinking How much President Hassan Sheikh’s complacency should be blamed for this deadly revival of Al Shabab in the capital to carry out such attacks inside Villa Somalia and other relevant posts, including the House of the Parliament? Quite a lot. In other words, these latest brazen attacks of Al-Shabab militants at the “fortress” of Villa Somalia, where the heads of the nation are not safe in their fortress while the rest of the populace have to live in a state of fear and despair is a bloody reminder of how President Hassan Sheikh undermined the deadly force his government is up against and in the end become sidetracked by other less important tasks, such as the political mechanizations of regional states. Nevertheless, most analysts see such lethal attacks as a possible precursor to a broader military campaign against the government mired by incompetence and complacency to rebuild a robust security forces to dismantle the Al-Shabab terrorist network. In the end, if President Hassan Sheikh’s government fails to defeat Al-Shabab as soon as possible, the resolve of the people to see them out of Villa Somalia will grow. In fact, the number of MPs in the parliament critical of the President’s dreadful failure to improve the country’s security conditions is already mounting exponentially by the day and it is only a matter of time before another political deadlock sets in. Not to mention the unprecedented early support of the international community has clearly waned simply because they are disappointed with the government’s modest gains on all fronts, including political, judicial and most importantly security. For example, due to the deteriorating security threat in the capital, the Turkish government recently evacuated most of its citizens from the country. The problem is that President Hassan Sheikh’s government is incessantly mired by allegations of systemic corruption and debilitating clan politics in which every step his government takes forward, it seems he’s taking two-steps backward. Most political analysts argue that an adjustment from top to bottom is inevitable because President Hassan Sheikh is caught in a trap of trying to please everyone including his harshest nemesis, which is exactly the antithesis of running a successful administration. Yet, if the President deals in reality rather than rhetoric, the Somali people may surprise him with their unfettered support and therefore rally after his government in his genuine efforts to root out Al Shabab terrorists from their last hiding places. Finally, while Al-Shabab is obstinately committed to carrying out these deadly attacks against the heads of the Somali government and the seat of government, they have not yet attempted on similar deadly attacks against the AMISOM troops, which now exceed more than 20,000. Thus, the final question on most people’s mind is: where in the world are the AMISOM forces that were supposedly to protect the government? Because the most dismaying aspect of Al-Shabab’s resurgence in the capital is the extent and capriciousness of their attacks wherever and whenever they target despite the heavy presence of the African Union forces in the country. Apparently, they must be in the country for insidious reasons other than sustaining the government and only protect themselves. In the final analysis, a genuine Somali federal government that shows a willingness to fight a truly national campaign against Al Shabab militants both strategically and militarily will need all the support it can get from the international community to better track down these terrorists, and to cut off both their domestic and foreign sources of financial support. The Somali society itself must decide if it will hide its head in the sand or recognize the existential threat that Al-Shabab poses to the future of normalcy, free from suicide bombers and daily explosions in their midst. Heikal I. Kenneded Washington D.C. heikalk@yahoo.com

2016 Election: Optimism, Misgivings, and Leadership Analysis.

by Farhia Ali Abdi Sunday, August 17, 2014 Federal national democratic election is not a new concept to Somalia politics. The country conducted last one person-one-vote democratic election in 1967. The cycle of free elections and democratic system of governance has ended with the assassination of President Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, and the subsequent military coup d'état on October 21, 1969. The civil war in 1991 was the consequence of the military regime’s policies led by Mohamed Siad Bare. During the civil war, the country has gone through few transitional federal governments, leading up to the 2012 election of the current government and the end of the transitional government led by Sharif Sheik Ahmed. The current government was well received and recognized by the Somali people and the international community. Apparently, its term ends with a general election set to take place in 2016. Therefore, the government put forward a ‘vision 2016’ in order to develop a legitimate democratic process in the country. It is worth mentioning that majority of Somalis and in particular, those who were young or born during the civil war have not experienced a democratic system of government and have very little knowledge about government institutions. Currently, the present government is under siege by Al Shabab, who repeatedly stage attacks that successfully penetrate the heart of the government seats, such as the presidential palace and the house of parliament. The government’s survival depends on more than twenty thousand African led peacekeeping troops (AMISON) from Uganda, Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenyan, Sierra Leone, and Djibouti, which are deployed in and around Mogadishu. The country is struggling with rule of law, constitutional constraints, inadequate governance, public security and unresolved national grievances.  Moreover, although government focused more effort to squash Al Shabab with the help of AMISON and Somali National Army; the challenges facing the country are real and undeniable. In the face of these mounting challenges would it be realistic to conduct a liberal democracy based on a one-person one-vote election process in 2016?   Vision 2016 and optimism: On September 2, 2013, the Somalia President hosted a five-day national conference (‘Vision 2016’) held in Mogadishu with 200 delegates in attendance. The ‘Vision 2016’ is intended as a national dialogue expected to focus on key issues on the Somali’s future, developing federal systems, democracy, arranging the constitution and setting up a policy for the country to have free and fair elections held in 2016. This conference was in preparation for the government’s invitation to Brussels for the New Deal conference on Sept 16, 2013. At “Vision 2016," the President expressed his government’s vision for the remainder of his term. “The objective of the Conference was to advance a Somali-owned political process and to solicit the opinions of the Somali people, including members of parliament, regional authorities, civil-society groups and experts, as well as members of the diaspora to ensure the constitutional review and implementation process, together with the process of transitioning to democratic legitimacy." The theme addressed by delegates were constitutional development, review, oversight and implementation; models of federalism, good governance and reform; the electoral process and party politics, and political outreach, public engagement, reconciliation and justice. While some Somalis and international community members felt that the vision was carefully thought out and an appropriate solution for the country's problems; the question remains whether there is enough time between now and the government’s end of the term to implement all the critical elements and hold a genuine national election. The President rebuffs any calls for re-evaluating the ambitions of the 2016 election and is adamant "by the end of the term of the current Federal Government of Somalia in September 2016, there shall be no attempts for extension of the mandate whatever the excuse.” This vision could be groundbreaking for the country, if it is handled well. If it is only a rush to make a point or political gain, it will neither help the country nor make the vision a reality. Public and International misgivings: Although the international community funded and supported the conference in Mogadishu, concerns about its outcome persist. The United Nations Special Representative for Somalia, Ambassador Nicholas Kay, who addressed the conference of September 2nd, 2013, has told Sabahi that for the government to review its constitution and then hold a referendum and elections by 2016 is "a mighty hill to climb." He adds that "the federal government is tasked to move Somalia towards a genuine transition to democracy in the space of just three years… this is a daunting responsibility, but United Nations will spare no effort to support it." The Ambassador acknowledges that the country faces many challenges in the development, economic, security, governance and human rights sectors, but he believes the over‐riding challenge of Somalia is political. Ambassador Kay’s speech is grounded with caution, and he is not alone in this regard, as many Somalis have expressed concern about all the underlining issues, the country faces that will present a huge challenge for an election to successfully take place in such a short period. There are the other important and overriding matters as well, including the issue of regional administrations (power and resource sharing) and national truth and reconciliation (acknowledgment of grievances), which, though mentioned in the vision 2016, require more clarity on how to achieve before national election takes place. Leadership expectations: The term leadership has many definitions, but one that resonates is that “Leadership is a process of social influence, which maximizes the efforts of others, towards the achievement of a [common] goal." Early this year the current Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Farah Sheikh Abdulkadir Mohamed, gave an interview to Sabahi on the subject of the government’s Vision 2016. The minister summarized the ‘Vision 2016’s central points, including; revision of the provisional constitution, holding of a referendum on the constitution and to hold a free and fair election on one-person, one-vote.  However, when the minister was asked about reconciliation and whether his government is prioritizing this important issue, he failed to acknowledge the need for reconciliation, limiting his response to the fact that there is no problem between the Somali public and the Federal government. The minister recognized the need to tackle reconciliation at various levels; it is unfortunate; however,  if the attitude of the minister to reconciliation and the healing of the wounds of the civil war is a reflection of a government policy to bury the reconciliation process under the blanket of ‘Vision 2016’. Somali-own national reconciliation is crucial for the survival of the country, and its unity. The Minister’s perception is not an exception, as some Somali intellectuals have publicly stated that reconciliation means there is a victim and that there is no victim in Somalia. This argument perhaps is valid in the sense that all Somalis are victims, both of their own making and by forces outside of their control, but as the minister said, ‘there are people who have grievances with one another’.  Masking or bandaging the problem does not move the country forward, but makes it stagnant.  For those who also argue, where we will stop the bus once we get into such things as reconciliation, I say wherever it takes to have a healthy society. It is well known that the majority of Somali grievances started in 1980s and have continued to the present. This is a good place to start. After the fall of the military regime in 1991, Somalia dissolved institutionally and socially; today Somalia is a fragmented country and is administratively separated. To bring the nation together and achieve national consensus will require extraordinary leadership, and a new way of thinking that can bridge the gap between various sections of the Somali society. To underestimate and simplify the climate and tragedy of the country's recent history, as it appears in the minister’s interview, is a huge disservice to the people of Somalia. Somali leaders present and future, federal or regional are expected to usher the country onto a path that heals and unites, not to live in denial of today’s reality or simply stick to one’s personal loyalty, script or identity. Reconciliation is not as scary word as some presume; it is a necessary component that all Somalis need to address with each other in order for healing, forgiveness and compromise to occur -for the sake of the country.  The concept of peace and reconciliation are tossed around in all Somali communications, including that coming from ‘Vision 2016’; however, Somali society and its leaders, in particular, need to understand first what reconciliation means to them and second, why it is necessary. If one cannot define the problem, one cannot find a solution. Leadership means setting a goal and having a vision. ‘Vision 2016’ is a start in the right direction; however, when there is a barrier or challenge to that vision, a good leader does not forge ahead, but recognizes the problem and finds a solution to make it workable.  A free and fair national election in 2016 appears as a steep hill to climb, but optimism is always a healthy choice. Somalia needs proactive, open-minded, well-educated leaders with excellent communication skills who understand the country’s history and know what it takes to heal the society. What it does not need; is a leader burdened with nostalgia, who does not know the reality of today’s Somali society, or a leader who has split loyalties and identities and does not have what it takes to bring people together above his or her own reality.  Vision 2016 is a very good plan, but clarity on how this ambitious and important vision will be put together realistically and in a timely manner still needs to be established. Finally, as Somalia ventures into the uncharted waters of the liberal-democratic federalism in 2016, its leaders, when making choices, need to be cognizant about which identity is important to them and which of their many loyalties are most salient when making decisions. Moreover, Somali leaders, both current and future have to be ready with new ideas to resolve issues, while at the same time allowing society to exercise their own problem solving muscles. The sentiment of the 2016 election was summed up by Asha Gelle Diriye, who is one of the current Constitutional Review Committee members and one of the original participants of the Vision 2016, comments to Sabahi "If the election is not held in 2016, it is important to find another option that can be used as a substitute for one person, one vote."  It is not impossible to have a democratic election in the country; Puntland region held a different kind of successful democratic election in January, 2014 where they elected their current President, Professor, Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gaas. To use Hillary Rodham Clinton’s words from her book ‘Hard Choices’; “democracy works only if political leaders put the common good ahead of personal interest." Somalia needs and deserves after over two decades of fragmentation, leaders with good leadership skills that can usher the country’s political challenges ahead. Farhia Ali Abdi Email: guure@rogers.com

Somali Refugees Find an Unlikely Home … In Istanbul

ISTANBUL (IPS) - Among the labyrinth of winding narrow streets just outside a major shopping centre in the Kumkapi neighbourhood of Istanbul is a rundown road, congested with shops and apartments stacked atop one another. Cars somehow manage to come barrelling down the street as people slowly move to the narrow pavement already full of food carts and clothes strewn out on blankets for sale. Trash lazily rolls past groups of men engaged in conversation while sitting on buckets or leaning against shop windows. The area feels oddly serene. This street is host to a community of African refugees, with the majority comprising Somali natives, and aptly named “Somalia Street”. Through word of mouth and family ties, Somali refugees seek a temporary home in this nook of Istanbul, in order to find some respite from the political and natural disasters that have devastated Somalia for decades. Istanbul has become a staging post for Somalis hoping to eventually travel on to Australia, Canada or the United States, migration trend watchers say.  Because of the constant population flux, it is difficult to estimate the number of refugees actually living on the street at any given moment, but street residents say that there are a few hundred Somalis living there. Dalmar, 30, a Somali refugee, has only been in Istanbul for a month with his brother Amet, 20, and lives in a small apartment with 12 other refugees. This arrangement is very common here. Often, refugees will live in small apartments with 20 or 30 other people. “Istanbul is very temporary,” said Dalmar. “The living conditions are poor. Istanbul is expensive, and it is very hard to find work here.” Turkish labour laws require a passport and residence card for employment, neither of which refugees can easily obtain. This has led to much illegal work, usually consisting of manual labour and odd jobs. A refugee who has lived in Turkey for many years, Liban, 31, said he worked in various manual labour jobs when he first arrived in Istanbul. He pointed out that that the language barrier between Arabic and Turkish makes it “difficult to get jobs in the first place.” Yet inhabitants appear to have established a unique community along the littered, cobblestone street. Most Somalis interviewed said they enjoy life in Istanbul. The community takes care of them as they arrive in droves. Often, refugees will find work with Kurdish shop owners, who seem rather protective of them. During one interview with a group of refugees, a Kurdish man popped his head of his shop out to make sure they were not being harassed. The Katip Kasim mosque stands on Somali Street, its low brick wall recently painted white and orange. The mosque is rather unassuming compared to the grandiose and elegant mosques around Istanbul. Muammer Aksoy has worked as Katip Kasim’s imam for 19 years, and has seen the community change significantly. This area of Istanbul has always been a refuge for minority groups in Istanbul, beginning with Kurdish migrants from Turkey’s east. Romanian refugees arrived in the 1980s and 1990s. There has since been an increase in African refugees to the area, the majority arriving within the last five years. During the holy month of Ramadan, Somalia Street unites. Somalis are very devout Muslims. Once the sun begins to set, the Katip Kasim mosque courtyard fills with people waiting in line to receive their dinner to break the fast, oriftar. Imam Aksoy began the community iftar dinners eight years ago, after seeing a Somali refugee attempt to break his fast with a small piece of bread, and by drinking soiled water from the fountains used to wash feet before entering the mosque. “It is my responsibility as the imam to take care of my community,” said Aksoy. “I don’t discriminate between people here. Everyone is welcome.” The imam has enlisted a different shop owner on the street each evening to provide the iftar dinner for 300 people. A long-time resident and family friend of the imam, Arzu, has also seen the change in the community. “Refugees come because they heard people take care of them here,” she said proudly. Turkey and Somalia have an unlikely partnership. According to a 2013 report by the Norwegian Peace Building Centre, Turkey has established networks in Africa, Somalia in particular, to enable peace-building efforts and humanitarian initiatives. In turn, says the report, this “strengthens Turkey’s international image as a global peace actor.” “The relationship between Somalia and Turkey is very recent. It was just in 2011 that this relationship began,” said Dalmar. “Now there are scholarships and programmes for students.” Somalia receives more aid from Turkey than any other African nation, with 93 million dollars in 2011, and 1,500 Somali students received scholarships to study at the public Istanbul University in 2013. Abdifitah, 25, who has been living in the community for one year, was a scholarship recipient. To take advantage of the opportunity, Abdifitah and his family moved together from Somalia. His family cannot find work, but has moved with him in order to support him. “Istanbul gave me a chance to learn,” said Abdifitah. Recently, Somali refugees have been moving to Turkey’s capital, Ankara, because work is easier to find, and housing is cheaper than in overcrowded Istanbul. Liban lives with his family in Ankara, but makes a living as a translator for the local African football league in Istanbul. When asked if he would like to go somewhere else, he shook his head. “When I was younger, I really wanted to go to America. Now, if someone handed me an American passport, I wouldn’t take it,” said Liban. “I have everything I want here.”  
WARKII UGU DANBEEYEY

DAAWO : Gudoomiyaha Bangiga Somaliland oo Kasoo Laabtay Magaalada Nairobi ayaa Sheegay in Masuuliyiinta Bangiga Aduunka ay kala Hadleen Arrimo ku Saabsan Xawaaladaha Soomaalida.

Gudoomiyaha Bangiga Somaliland oo Kasoo Laabtay Magaalada Nairobi ayaa Sheegay in Masuuliyiinta Bangiga Aduunka ay kala Hadleen Arrimo ku Saabsan Xawaaladaha Soomaalida.
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